Trump's Agencies Accused the People Their Agents Shot and Withheld Evidence of Two Killings for Months

The Government's Own Evidence Broke Its Story

On January 15, 2026, the Department of Homeland Security called Julio Cesar Sosa-Celis a violent criminal who had helped beat an ICE officer with a shovel and a broom before the officer shot him in Minneapolis.¹ Four weeks later, the Justice Department told a judge that new evidence contradicted the sworn account behind its prosecution and asked to drop the charges permanently.² The judge agreed.³ DHS's accusation was still online on October 10, 2026.⁴

That is the charge here. Donald Trump's administration accused the people its agents shot, restricted independent investigations, and kept a discredited accusation before the public after its own prosecutors abandoned the case.¹²⁴⁵⁶ In the same month, federal agents killed Renee Good and Alex Pretti in Minneapolis, and Minnesota's investigators waited months for the federal evidence.⁵⁷⁸⁹ The power to use force carries a duty to give an honest account of it.

Trump chose the people who led these departments: he nominated Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and Attorney General Pamela Bondi.¹⁰¹¹ After both Minneapolis killings, he wrote that Noem "has done a really GREAT JOB!"¹² In March, she refused a senator's request to retract the domestic-terrorist characterizations of Good, Pretti and Marimar Martinez.¹³ In July, after two more people died in ICE vehicle stops, he told ICE to keep its traffic stops.¹⁴ His tie is appointment and public backing.¹⁰¹¹¹²

The County's Account of a Shot Through a Door

ICE officer Christian Castro shot Sosa-Celis in the leg on January 14, 2026.¹¹⁵ The next day, DHS said three men had ambushed its officer and beaten him with a snow shovel and broom handles.¹ Noem called the encounter an attempted murder of federal law enforcement and said the officer fired in fear for his life.¹ DOJ charged Sosa-Celis and Alfredo Alejandro Aljorna with aiding and abetting assault on a federal officer.¹⁶

Minnesota's later criminal complaint against Castro gives a different account, drawing on city-camera footage, gunshot sensors, witness interviews and physical evidence.¹⁵ By its account, Sosa-Celis put down a shovel before Castro reached the house, and the men ran inside, leaving Castro alone in the yard.¹⁵ At 6:49:09 p.m., Castro raised his arms toward the front door as the sensors recorded one shot.¹⁵ The county attorney says the bullet passed through the door, struck Sosa-Celis's leg and ended in the wall of a child's room.¹⁷ A witness reported four adults and two children inside. The complaint says paramedics began responding at about 6:50 p.m. but were not allowed access to Sosa-Celis until 7:48 p.m., almost an hour after the shot.¹⁵

The complaint says the FBI and BCA jointly interviewed one ICE agent that night, then FBI agents said they had been directed to stop working with the BCA; federal authorities blocked further interviews of the involved agents through the complaint's May filing.¹⁵

The county accuses Castro of firing through the door under no physical threat, and no court has yet ruled on that accusation.¹⁵¹⁸ The complaint includes facts the defense can use. Sosa-Celis told investigators he intervened in Castro's struggle with Aljorna and swung a broom, but said he did not hit Castro; Aljorna described holding a broom like a baseball bat without swinging it.¹⁵ Neither account describes the beating DHS alleged.¹⁵¹ The complaint also says Castro underwent a medical examination that night, including imaging, and that his medical records documented no demonstrable trauma except an abrasion at the base of his left thumb.¹⁵

DHS's headline also called the men illegal aliens.¹ Chief Judge Patrick Schiltz recorded that Sosa-Celis and Aljorna had been granted Temporary Protected Status in fall 2024, and the state complaint says they were residing lawfully in Minnesota at the time of the shooting.¹⁹¹⁵ After a criminal judge ordered Sosa-Celis released, ICE arrested him again without a warrant. Schiltz ordered his immediate release on February 7; the government had not established a lawful basis for his continued detention.¹⁹ Schiltz also recorded that he had ordered Aljorna released a day earlier to be with his one-year-old son, who had severe second- and third-degree burns and was scheduled for emergency surgery.¹⁹ The department that had granted the status was also the department that published the accusation.¹⁹¹

The Charges Changed Sides

On February 11, U.S. Attorney Daniel Rosen's office asked to dismiss the complaint against Sosa-Celis and Aljorna with prejudice, meaning the charges could not be refiled.²³

Government's Motion to Dismiss Complaint with Prejudice, United States v. Aljorna and Sosa-Celis, ECF 48²

Newly discovered evidence in this matter is materially inconsistent with the allegations in the Complaint Affidavit, filed on January 16, 2026, as ECF 1-1, as well as the preliminary-hearing testimony (ECF 18, 19) that was based on information presented to the Affiant. Accordingly, dismissal with prejudice will serve the interests of justice.

Judge Paul Magnuson, a Reagan appointee, granted the motion two days later; Schiltz, who ordered Sosa-Celis released, is a George W. Bush appointee.³²⁰ The sworn account had been secondhand: the affidavit's signer and the preliminary-hearing witness were FBI agents relaying the ICE account, not ICE officers testifying about their own actions.²¹¹⁶ DOJ's own January brief acknowledged that its witness had not seen the events and was uncertain which man held which implement.¹⁶

Hennepin County charged Castro in May with four counts of second-degree assault and one of falsely reporting a crime, and authorities arrested him in Texas.¹⁵²² Minnesota's emergency bid to compel his extradition failed as premature, and he was released in Texas before appearing in a Minnesota court in September.^23242518 On September 2, Rosen's office obtained a federal indictment charging Castro with six counts of making false statements; he pleaded not guilty on September 18.²⁶²⁷ Both prosecutions remained pending as of October 10.¹⁸²⁶²⁷

ProPublica reported that prosecutor Matthew Evans emailed victims' lawyers to say DOJ leadership had blocked civil-rights charges against Castro despite his objections.²⁸ CBS News independently confirmed that DOJ fired Evans; its sources also said DOJ was investigating him, including over allegations of leaking.²⁹ DOJ told ProPublica that its civil-rights charging decisions require consultation and follow the facts and law, and that it had not reached a conclusion in this matter.²⁸

The county's May statement says ICE Director Todd Lyons acknowledged that two agents lied about the incident; ProPublica and CBS later described an ICE statement and administrative leave.¹⁷²⁸²⁹ DHS's January release was still online on October 10, more than seven months after DOJ abandoned the prosecution and five weeks after Castro's indictment.⁴³²⁶

Renee Good: An Accusation Before an Independent Investigation

The first Minneapolis killing set the pattern. An ICE officer killed Renee Nicole Good, 37, in her car in Minneapolis on January 7, 2026; Minnesota's lawsuit alleges Jonathan Ross was the shooter.³⁰⁵³¹ Within hours, DHS accused her of deliberately trying to run over officers and described its officer's shots as defensive.³²

DHS post, status 2008958123092979817, archived platform record³²

Today, ICE officers in Minneapolis were conducting targeted operations when rioters began blocking ICE officers and one of these violent rioters weaponized her vehicle, attempting to run over our law enforcement officers in an attempt to kill them—an act of domestic terrorism.

Trump published a self-defense account of a Minneapolis ICE shooting that day: without naming the driver, he wrote that she "violently, willfully, and viciously ran over the ICE Officer", adding that the situation was being studied.³³ Four House Judiciary Democrats described the video differently in their January 26 oversight letter: Good turned her wheels away from Ross; he fired a first shot before moving out of the car's way, then fired at least two more shots while standing beside it.³⁴ Drawing on reporting about a video, their letter also alleges that an agent refused a doctor's request to check Good's pulse while she lay bleeding.³⁴ The department's self-defense allegation and the lawmakers' contrary account remain disputed.³²³⁴

Minnesota's Bureau of Criminal Apprehension (BCA), the state's independent force-investigation agency, had initially agreed to investigate with the FBI.⁵ That afternoon, the FBI told it the U.S. Attorney's Office had reversed course: the BCA would have no access to case materials, scene evidence or interviews.⁵ The bureau withdrew from the joint investigation the next day, though it later offered limited assistance to the county attorney.⁵

Congressional Democrats' January and February letters allege that DOJ redirected the investigation toward Good and her widow's connections with groups monitoring ICE, and away from the officer's conduct.³⁵³⁴³⁶ Senators Sheldon Whitehouse and Richard Durbin reported a whistleblower's account that FBI Director Kash Patel wanted a warrant to depict Good as an investigative subject rather than the victim, and that agents were told to stand down.³⁶ The senators also cited New York Times reporting that Patel and other senior DOJ officials ended the investigation out of concern that it would contradict Trump's public account of the shooting.³⁶ The letters report six Minnesota federal prosecutors resigning by January 22, name the office's second-in-command, Joseph Thompson, on January 26, and on February 25 describe Thompson, an FBI supervisor and thirteen more attorneys, including three division chiefs; those dated accounts are not a single verified total.³⁵³⁴³⁶

The January 26 House letter also cited reporting that then-Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche had publicly said DOJ was not investigating Good's shooting because it was not appropriate to do so.³⁴

Alex Pretti: State Investigators Turned Away With a Warrant

Federal officers killed Alex Pretti, 37, on Minneapolis's Nicollet Avenue on January 24, seventeen days after Good's death.³⁷⁷ The state complaint's initial account says he might have been restrained by multiple officers when they shot him.³¹ The January 26 House Judiciary Democrats' letter says DHS accused Pretti of approaching agents with a firearm to massacre law enforcement, while video showed him holding a phone and a Border Patrol officer removing his firearm before the fatal shooting.³⁴ Six days after the killing, in a post about another encounter, Trump called Pretti an "Agitator and, perhaps, insurrectionist".³⁸

BCA Superintendent Drew Evans swore that his investigators reached the scene before the FBI, but DHS agents blocked them.⁶ They obtained a warrant, signed at 11:54 a.m. by Minnesota Judge Gina Brandt, and returned. Federal agents blocked them again.⁶

Sworn declaration, Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension v. Noem, ECF 5, paragraph 20⁶

After the FBI cleared the scene without providing the BCA access, local and state law enforcement officers were unable to hold the scene, and it was overrun by individuals in the area. The BCA was thus unable to examine the scene.

Evans said that in more than twenty years at the bureau before 2026, he had never encountered federal authorities blocking its access to an incident within concurrent state and federal jurisdiction.⁶ The BCA kept collecting physical evidence, videos and witness statements on its own.⁷

Evans asked for the physical evidence, the agents' identities, witnesses' names and statements, and the firearms discharged or recovered.⁶ On February 13, the FBI formally notified the bureau that it would provide none of the information or evidence it had collected in Pretti's death.⁸

Minnesota sued, and on this point the administration won. The state obtained an immediate preservation order, but Judge Eric Tostrud dissolved it on February 2 because federal defendants were not likely to destroy or improperly alter evidence.³⁹³⁷ He concluded that evidence likely had been lost or spoiled at the scene, more likely because of urgent safety conditions than deficient federal evidence-gathering.³⁷ Separately, he inferred that federal officials had failed to safeguard Pretti's firearm according to normal procedures, but found the showing insufficient to justify the broad preservation order.³⁷ The plaintiffs voluntarily dismissed the lawsuit on March 24.⁴⁰

No court compelled disclosure; the standoff ended by agreement.⁴¹ On July 13, Minnesota announced that it had obtained hard drives of previously withheld evidence from the Good, Pretti and Sosa-Celis shootings, that Good's car and other physical evidence were now in BCA custody, and that the BCA had shared its files with federal prosecutors.⁹ The county attorney said her office had not prejudged the incidents and was analyzing the new material.⁹ The BCA thanked its federal partners and described the investigations as active.⁴¹ By then, independent investigators had missed the Pretti scene and spent months without federal evidence.⁶⁸⁹

Houston: ICE Detained the Witnesses

In July it happened again in Texas, and this time ICE detained the witnesses. An ICE officer killed Lorenzo Salgado Araujo, 52, during a Houston vehicle stop on July 7.⁴²⁴³ The Texas Tribune reported ICE's account: he tried to ram an ICE vehicle and run over an officer, who fired in self-defense; Salgado Araujo died at a hospital.⁴⁴ The passengers disputed the collision account, the Tribune reported, saying ICE vehicles struck their van. The agents had neither body cameras nor dashcams, which left the three passengers as the only known witnesses to the shooting.⁴⁵

ICE detained those passengers.⁴⁵ On July 27, Judge Keith Ellison held that mandatory detention violated witness Jose Trinidad Rojas Pliego's Fifth Amendment substantive due-process rights and ordered him released within 48 hours.⁴³ The judge accepted the government's statutory argument that Fifth Circuit precedent made the witness subject to mandatory detention, then held the statute unconstitutional as applied to him.⁴³ Rojas Pliego had lived in the United States since 1998, had no criminal history, and was pursuing a U visa supported by the Harris County District Attorney's Office.⁴³ He left custody on July 29, the Tribune reported.⁴⁵ Ellison denied the government's request to stay his order on August 3, and the government appealed.⁴⁶⁴⁷

After the death, the official account acquired another accusation: an FBI search-warrant affidavit suspected methamphetamine in bags of a crystal-like substance in the van.⁴⁸ In August, U.S. Attorney Aaron Reitz confirmed to the Tribune that laboratory testing found no methamphetamine.⁴⁸ Reitz defended the warrant and testing as a probable-cause investigation working as designed, and said promptly disclosing the warrant served transparency.⁴⁸ The result still refuted the drug suspicion.⁴⁸

Houston Mayor John Whitmire said the city supplied 911 audio and bus-camera footage to the district attorney.⁴² The Tribune reported in July that the district attorney's office said federal investigators were withholding evidence it needed for its own investigation, including the shooter's name.⁴⁵ Houston repeated what Minneapolis had already shown: the federal agents' account came out before independent investigators had the evidence needed to test it.⁴⁴⁴⁵⁵

Maine: The Secretary Corrected the Target's Identity

An ICE Enforcement and Removal Operations officer fatally shot Johan Sebastián Durán Guerrero in Biddeford, Maine, on July 13, six days after the Houston killing.⁴⁹⁵⁰ Maine Public reported that Secretary Markwayne Mullin initially told Senator Angus King the man shot was the subject of an arrest warrant, then informed King's office that he was not the intended target.⁵¹ King also said the officers were not wearing body cameras.⁵¹ The state attorney general's initial statement described reports that the driver fled toward the officer and said the officer would be placed on leave.⁴⁹

On August 17, Attorney General Aaron Frey said his office was still collecting and analyzing evidence under its responsibility for homicide and official use-of-force investigations.⁵⁰ It would determine whether the evidence supported action under Maine law, then send the file to the state's Deadly Force Review Panel.⁵⁰ Neither his office nor the panel could supervise DHS's practices, Frey said; that was the responsibility of the federal administration or Congress.⁵⁰

Trump Rejected the Pause; Investigative Independence Came Under Pressure

After the two fatal stops six days apart, ICE suspended most vehicle stops nationwide on July 14, Reuters reported.⁵² Border czar Tom Homan described a temporary review to make sure agents were safe and acting properly.⁵² The next day, Trump publicly rejected giving up traffic stops and told ICE to resume its work.¹⁴

Truth Social post of July 15, 2026, reproduced by the American Presidency Project¹⁴

I.C.E., be judicious, fair and smart, and go back and do your very important job.

He called traffic stops one of ICE's most important and effective crime-fighting tools.¹⁴ That is direct presidential backing for the tactic after the deaths.¹⁴ Reuters also reported that DHS acknowledged neither dead man was the intended target of the deportation operations.⁵² Whatever the broader enforcement results, these two stops killed people the operations had not set out to arrest.⁵²

CBS reviewed emails directing FBI assault inquiries involving DHS officers to ICE's investigators, with FBI assistance available on request.⁵³ Those instructions would put ICE investigators in charge of assault inquiries involving their own agency's officers.⁵³ DHS publicly denied any change in its relationship with DOJ or in the FBI's investigation policy.⁵⁴ CBS also reported a counterexample: after concerns about HSI's initial lead, the FBI and DOJ's Civil Rights Division took over the Pretti investigation, which was ongoing when CBS reported in July.⁵³

Chicago: Martinez's Prosecution Ended, Her Accusation Stayed

The pattern did not begin in Minneapolis. Border Patrol agents shot Marimar Martinez in Chicago on October 4, 2025.⁵⁵⁵⁶ DHS said officers fired defensively at an armed woman who rammed their vehicles; its second release named Martinez under a headline describing an ambush by domestic terrorists.⁵⁵⁵⁶ The government charged her by criminal complaint the next day; the indictment followed on October 9.⁵⁷

On November 20, DOJ asked to dismiss the indictment without stating a reason.⁵⁸ The defense requested dismissal with prejudice, the government did not object, and the judge permanently dismissed the case against Martinez and co-defendant Ruiz.⁵⁹ The Texas Tribune reported that prosecutors dropped the charges after video and agents' text messages showed Martinez had not rammed her vehicle into the agents; the dismissal order itself gave no such explanation.⁴⁴⁵⁹

Both October 4 DHS releases, the second naming Martinez, were still online with the same accusation text on October 10, 2026, more than ten months after the dismissal.⁶⁰⁶¹⁵⁹ Their last-updated stamps preceded the dismissal by one day.⁵⁵⁵⁶⁵⁹

Austin: An Assault Charge Without a Recording of the Gunfire

An ICE officer shot Wilber Garces Perez after a vehicle pursuit in Austin on September 20, 2026.⁶²⁶³ El País reported that authorities took him from a hospital into immigration detention with a bullet still in his back; his lawyers said he suffered pain and lacked needed medication.⁶³ The criminal complaint alleges his car's mirror struck an officer during the initial stop; Garces Perez disputed that account and said he was trying to park.⁶⁴⁶³ The complaint also says the shooter later told his colleague that Garces Perez had tried to strike him with the car when he fired.⁶⁴ Garces Perez admitted ignoring an order to get out and driving off, but told investigators the pursuit ended when an SUV struck his car and forced it to stop; the officer then fired through its back-right window.⁶⁴

KUT's October 2 report says a judge allowed the assault-and-resisting charge to proceed.⁶² The HSI investigator who supported the charge testified that his team had not interviewed the officer who fired.⁶² He said a separate investigation into the shooting was underway, without describing its status.⁶² The officer who fired had access to body-camera equipment but was not wearing it; the other officer turned his camera off during the pursuit, before the shooting and his later conversation with the shooter.⁶² The initial-stop recording turned away at the alleged impact, and under cross-examination the investigator conceded that contact in a still image was only possible.⁶² Prosecutors said they had better images but did not submit them at that hearing.⁶²

New York: A Child in the Car, and an Emergency Court Order

ICE officers shot Oscar Bergal, identified by New York police and news reports as Oscar Belgal, in his car on October 8; his five-year-old son was in the back seat.⁶⁵⁶⁶ NPR reported that the child was physically unharmed.⁶⁷ Reuters reported that Mullin and ICE officials defended the shooting as protection against a driver who accelerated into ICE vehicles and toward officers.⁶⁵ Mullin said agents did not know the child was there.⁶⁵ Officials also cited a grand-larceny conviction, a probation sentence and prior efforts to arrest him.⁶⁵

NBC New York reported that NYPD released footage of its officers arriving after the shooting.⁶⁸ NPR also described a security-camera video showing agents approach the car before it sped off.⁶⁷ Mullin promised to release ICE's body-camera footage, but NPR reported on October 10 that it had not been released.⁶⁵⁶⁷

UPI reported that DHS would pursue removal proceedings.⁶⁹ At the October 9 court hearing, Bergal's lawyers said he still had a bullet lodged in his body and was in pain.⁷⁰ That day, Judge J. Paul Oetken barred his removal from the country without a further order and limited transfers to facilities in the Southern and Eastern Districts of New York or the District of New Jersey while the court considered his detention challenge.⁶⁶ Judge John Cronan later denied a separate temporary-restraining-order motion without prejudice.⁷¹ NPR reported on October 10 that the removal and transfer restrictions continued, keeping Bergal within reach of the court hearing his challenge.⁶⁷⁶⁶

The Defense Has Limits

The government's strongest defense is officer safety. The Supreme Court's civil excessive-force standard judges force from the perspective of a reasonable officer at the scene, not with hindsight.⁷² Deadly force can be justified by a significant threat of death or serious injury, including a dangerous vehicle pursuit; qualified immunity also protects some mistaken judgments.⁷³⁷⁴⁷⁵ Federal officers can move state charges to federal court and seek immunity for protected federal duties.⁷⁶⁷⁷ Federal law also bars libel, slander and misrepresentation claims against the United States; a Supreme Court plurality recognized protection for an official press release, and the Court sharply limits constitutional damages claims against federal agents.⁷⁸⁷⁹⁸⁰ These are substantial barriers to prosecution and lawsuits. They are not proof that the government's accounts were true.

The second defense is control of evidence. DHS's litigation-disclosure rule generally requires authorization for employees to provide testimony or official material.⁸¹ In Touhy, the Supreme Court upheld departmental control over subordinates' production of records, while reserving the ultimate question of an agency head's power to refuse production.⁸² But section 5.41(i) of the DHS rule says it does not affect sharing with state and local law-enforcement authorities in criminal investigations, so that rule alone does not establish authority for the refusals to Minnesota.⁸¹

The Supreme Court also bars judicial inquiry into presidential motive when classifying official conduct for criminal immunity.⁸³ Impeachment is a separate congressional process for judging abuse of public trust.⁸⁴⁸⁵⁸³

The Prosecutions Failed; Officials Later Shared Evidence

Some of this was corrected, later and under different officials. Noem left Homeland Security in March and Bondi left DOJ in April.^86878889 Trump announced that Noem, "who has served us well", would move to a special-envoy post.⁹⁰ DHS reports that Trump swore in Mullin on March 24; DOJ's biography says Todd Blanche served as acting attorney general and became attorney general on August 10.⁸⁷⁹¹ The January 26 House letter had also cited Blanche's public defense of DOJ's decision not to investigate Good's shooting.³⁴ The July evidence-sharing agreement and the September federal indictment came under their successors, while the DHS accusations about Sosa-Celis and Martinez remained online.^4126461

The county also charged another ICE agent over a February highway confrontation.⁹²¹⁷ The federal indictment against Castro is a real step toward accountability. It does not restore the months investigators lost or correct the DHS release.²⁶²⁷⁹⁴

DHS announced its Chicago operation as targeting the worst criminal offenders.⁹³ Twelve days later, ICE's national detention workbook classified 59,762 people in custody: 17,007 with recorded convictions, 15,009 with recorded pending charges and 27,746, or 46.4 percent, with neither a known conviction nor a pending charge in ICE's system.⁹⁴ In those recorded classifications, 42,755 people, or 71.5 percent, had no conviction.⁹⁴ DHS later said 70 percent of arrests involved people convicted or charged with crimes.⁹⁵ No figure cited here shows whom the Chicago operation arrested, or whether traffic stops fight crime as Trump claimed: these figures are national.^94959314

What can be measured is what became of the accusations in court. DOJ sought to prosecute Sosa-Celis, Aljorna and Martinez, and the charges against all three ended in permanent dismissal.^16235759 The government obtained no convictions in those cases, and in Sosa-Celis's case its own new evidence contradicted the sworn account.²³⁵⁹

Why This Is an Abuse of Public Trust

Article II, Section 4 authorizes removal for treason, bribery and other high crimes and misdemeanors; Hamilton described impeachment offenses as abuses or violations of public trust.⁸⁴⁸⁵ The House Judiciary Committee adopted Article II against Nixon for misuse of federal investigative agencies, but rejected another about concealing the Cambodia bombing.⁹⁶ Andrew Johnson's speech article first lost in the House's Committee of the Whole, was later added, and never received a Senate vote.⁹⁷ Those votes do not settle this case; Congress must judge the combined conduct and the President's responsibility.

This was not the only time a departmental use-of-force account failed scrutiny. On a preliminary-injunction record in Chicago, Judge Sara Ellis found DHS's public narrative untrue and Commander Gregory Bovino's testimony about tear gas not credible; her opinion records that Bovino admitted no rock was thrown at him before his first canister.⁹⁸ The Seventh Circuit later vacated the injunction and warned against adopting its disputed foundations without further analysis; it did not decide whether her credibility ruling was an abuse of discretion.⁹⁹

Trump's part was public. He appointed Noem and Bondi, praised Noem after the Minneapolis killings, characterized Pretti himself, and told ICE to continue traffic stops after the Houston and Maine deaths.^1011123814 On January 31, after both Minneapolis deaths, Trump said he had instructed ICE and Border Patrol to be "very forceful" in protecting federal property; in the same post, he said federal forces would not participate in protests or riots in what he called 'poorly run Democrat Cities' unless those cities requested help.¹⁰⁰³⁷⁵ The case against him rests on these public acts, not on any order to shoot or to withhold evidence.^10111214

The government's own prosecutor abandoned a shooting victim's prosecution because new evidence contradicted its sworn account; DHS left its accusation online.²³⁴ Federal authorities blocked Minnesota's independent investigators and delayed sharing evidence from two killings for months.⁵⁶⁸⁹ The state never examined the scene where Pretti died.⁶ Accusing the people agents shoot while restricting independent scrutiny of the accusation is an abuse of public trust. That is the case for impeaching the President who appointed and publicly backed the officials responsible.^8485101112